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The author's name may be deduced from the text on f. The copy, dated Jan. Este panegiris lo tuvo Don Raphael Truxillo siendo medi- anista en el estudio de el B. Don Lucas de Albaro, preceptor de latinidad en esta Nueva Espaha, dia 8 de septiembre de , f. In one hand, with additions and corrections in several other hands. Poesias de los Argen- solas. Manuscrito del siglo XVI. Opere in difesadella sua storiadel regno di Napoh; contains: Dall' ufficio del magistrato seculare, ff.

Apologia dell'istoria civile, beginning with Delle false imputazioni, che contro a hbri della storia not in Opere? Professione di fede [agamst Giuseppe Sanfehce, S. Italy, 2nd quarter 18th cent.

Perche il volgo fa [17] molti discorsi , fF. A cui va aggionto. Libro di discorsi politici. Renuntiatio appeUationis , fF. II primiero et maggiore intento, fF. PigHasi un scabello, fF. Letter to Damiano del Borgo. Jidio Se- condo attese piu all'armi.

Paper, i f 7 lines. Vien denunziato da sette testi- [18] moni. Primo viene denunziato ,. Giuseppe Beccarelli and his followers , inc.: Il fnie principale di questa unione, ff. Domini octo practice Reipublicae Florentinae. Collection of documents copies pertaining to Finale. Ratifica- tion of the investiture of a third part of Finale, between Johannes de Carreto, Petrus de Campofregoso and Jacobus Sihanelus in registro nono com- munis Janue , date of original 1, signed by Finarinus Sihanelus, Jacobus [19] de Credentia and Constantinus de Limelis; I5th-cent.

Copia di lettera scritta dal doge di Genoa e Antiani [Petrus de Campofregoso] a Francesco, duca di Milano, per che li marches! Francesco Foscari, duci Veneziano Petrus de Campofregoso, dux Januensis," , e risposta, concerning commerce in Tirenno ; i6th-cent.

Reaffirmation of privilege relating to sea rights and the trans- portation of salt to the city of Genoa, ; i6th-cent. Copia di lettera dal Mons. Por parte del embaxador de la republica de Genova. Appuntamientos de Milan sobra lo de Final ff. Sentenza in favore dei mercanti che conducono merci da Finale a Milano; 16 15, printed, with seal, signed Barberius, 2 ff.

Vicende riguardanti la Spagna e Finale; , 6 ff. Dottore Manfredo sopra le pretentione. Various places, ijtli- 17th cent. Original letter, signed, addressed to [Ray- mond de Rouer, Sicur dc] Fourquevaux, the king's "conseiller et ambassa- deur en Espagne," at the court of Philip II, king of Spain, countersigned by Robertet. Deals with efforts to ransom Frenchmen, captured in Algiers, by [20] representation to Suleiman I, and contains an intelligence report on the Turkish army.

This letter was then in the Chateau de Fourquevaux. Correspondence consisting of letters incl. Material deals largely with foreign affairs, showing strong anti-French and anti- Venetian feeling; concerned with Lombardy, Spain, England, Flan- ders, Naples, etc. One letter 2 ff to the same, 13 July One letter 2 ff to the same, 22 Feb.

Italy, Low Countries, etc. Letter to the "conservadori dell'Archivio pub- lico" in Florence, 4 Oct. Alessandro de Medici, 7 Dec. Causa y papeles de inquisicion. D" Andres Pacheco, inquisidor general, fF. Froilan Diaz with votos singulares f. Paper, i, fF. Lea and Lea , especially in connection with the above part 5.

Memorie storiche d'Argenta, vol. I, chapters , with notes to chapters Manoscritti Bertoldi sopra Argenta. Frigerio Frigerio crossed out; his part in the compilation of this ms. The text of vol. Privilegia et libertates, inc. Quod fratres domus theutonici libere utantur privilegiis et Hbertatibus a domino papa concessis hospitalariis et templariis. Initials in red and blue.

La congiura de baroni del regno di Napoli contra il Re Ferdinando Primo Admonitio ad nepotes on govern- ment in Naples , ff. Legal records, covering the years , largely concerned with wills, contracts, property, and dis- agreements over hereditary rights, involving claims of various monasteries in Florence, etc.

Copies in various hands, many notarized or witnessed. Florence, late 16th cent. Transaction relating to the disagreement be- tween the clergy and the vicar Dr.

Jean Arbalete [Albalet in ms. Aries, Paper, i prel. With corrections, some marginal notes, and underhning in a different contemporary hand. Spain, early 17th cent.

Paper, i, 74 ff. Text printed in Geronimo de la Cruz, Defensa de los estatutos. Agustin Salucio"], , without the prologue; preliminary examination indicates major differences in spelling and some textual variants. Receipt given by Andrea Goussen, proxy of Simon Clabant to Regnier le Coustelier, viscount of Evreux, for payment of sous, 4 derniers for days. Jacques Payain, bachelor of law and the king's representative in Toulouse, acknowledges receipt of 12 livres 10 sols from the treasurer Oton Castellain for his work agamst heretics.

Marcieu Vinnen, parishioner of Landes Calvados ac- knowledges a yearly rent of 15 bushels of barley, one hen and 10 eggs to be paid to Pierre Renou of Tournay. Minutes of meeting to deal with the penalty of 4, gold scudi ordered levied by Emmanuel Philibert, duke of Savoy, for having purchased and sold wheat at a time of famine. Ceppo Segro on title, signed De Ceppis.

Supphcationes et misse pro hberatione re- sponsorum [? Italy, 4th quarter 16th cent. Pastor, Storia dci papi, v. VII Rome, , p.

A small part of the diary was published in Concilium tridentium; diariorum. Merkle Freiburg, , v. The diary in this ms. Je ne parle ici des conciles des apostres, fF. Sommaires, discours de pretentions des tres illustres dues de Savoyc sur la ville franche et imperialc de Geneve, inc. Portate del Latino da ima lettera d'un cavahere PoUaco, inc.: Paper cover in folder.

Trattato sopra i conclavi, inc. Conclave cioe cum clave. Paper, i blank, 40 fF. A 37 on prel. Paper, i blank p. Copies of documents relating to the Duchy of Pahano. Italy, f 92v. Paper, i blank, 93 fF. Carrafa al Duca di Paliano , vero Lett, de Duca d'Alva Carrafa per haver daU'imperatore, Siena.

Copia del breve di. Copia del mandato regio CapitoU et conventioni passate fra sopradicti signori - - Copia delle capitolationi segrete Copia del giuramento fatto per Gio. Pauli Papae IV pro. Tribultio ad Enricmn Gallorum regem. Carrafa sopra le cose di Paliano. II Duca di Paliano al Card. Del Duca di Paliano. Caraffa data a M. Fantuccio per la corte d'Inghilterra. Carrafa ad Philippum Hisp. Ricordi al re catt. Lett, del cardinal di Napoli.

Carrafa al Card, de Carpi. II duca di Paliano al Card. Albici entered at end of item i, in a different but con- temp, hand. Sopra la regaUa di Francia. Ristretto delle cose occorse nell'affare della regaUa.

The first, third and fourth item in the same hand. Ce sont les tallies Mons. With notarial signets, attested by seven persons. Lettere havute da Mon. Zuccati title on spine , i.

Zuccati; Madrid, 2 fF, Ital. Dccanus, to same, about Gcorg Kirchmair; n. Report on 20 companies passing through Milan on their way from Naples; 3 ff , Ital. Original letters, with seals. Zuccati, who was "Auditor niuitii apud Caesaream majestatem.

Notizie di alcune famigHe populari della citta, e regno di Napoli Naples, late 1 jth or early 1 8th cent. Letter, unsigned, to Donato di Jacopo Acciaioli, n. Let- ter, unsigned, Siena, to same, 12 August, n. From unnamed son to Donato A. Letter, unsigned but possibly same hand as 4, Giov. Shelved in same portfolio as ms. Lea 28 which contains under n twenty-one letters addressed to Donato di Jacopo Acciaioli.

Divenne grazioso giovane, ff. Nacque Cosimo I'anno 15 Lxm ; Sir Thomas Phillipps ms. Reports, letters, discourses and treatises. Ristret- to della doppia negotiatione. Gran Cancelliere di Polonia [Joan. Ristretto delle risposte date del gran cancelliere al V. Al pmito di dover intervenire alia trattatione, ff. Al punto di dover trattarc insieme confidentemente, f. Interrogationi fatte al V.

San Giorgio dopo il ritorno del V. Giorgio, dopo il ritorno dell'V , fF. Vannozzi acted as official recorder and it is likely that this part was written by him or under his direct supervision - B.

Ragionamenti in spir[i]to [29] della rovina, sua propria et d'ltalia e del christianismo, se Venetia persiste nella disobedienza di santa chiesa, nel primo anno del S. Padre Paulo V [] f. Primo [-nono] lamcnto, ff. Discorsi per ragione di stato della medesima materia contra Venetia f.

Primo [-nono] discorso, fF. Discorsi sopra Timminenti mali di Venetia, fF. Con- temp, vellum; title on spine: Sebene io reconosca che dal voler tratare Italy, first quarter lytli cent. Italy, 2nd half 16th cent. Collection of 37 legal documents, a few are of special interest e.

Statement concerning church affairs; Siena, Argument over posses- sion of a vineyard; ibid. Report on [30] meeting of the "Concilium generale Guelforum," in , notarized ; ibid. Agreement fixing boundaries of land in Corsignano; ibid.

Sale of vineyards and other lands; Siena, torn. Administration of the will of Giovani Meschiati; ibid. Claim to possession of a house; ibid. Nado di Tolomeo appointed guardian of Battista di Vanna; ibid.

Law- Juit against the heirs of Contius Nicholai "cives Senenses," 14 ff. Petition regarding land in Monte- chiello, 2 ff. Same subject, 4 ff. Petition regarding land in Siena, 4 ff ; ibid. Same subject, 2 -f- 4 ff. Appointment as tutor and administra- tor; ibid. Claim as heirs of Buonsignore Fazio; ibid. Privilege granted to the rector of San Lazzaro, Niccolo Nanni, to hold office and take residence in Siena; ibid.

Petition of Battista Piccolomini for privileges; ibid. Petition and supplication of Giovanni Piccolomini; ibid. Dispute between the commune and castle of Rapolano and Francisco and Enrico, sons of Antonio de Sognia; ibid. Praise of Nicodemo Tranchedini "orator. List of officials in towns of the territory; ibid.

Agreement to protect Jacopo Piccolomini, his family, possessions and men, signed, "per regem" by Guillaume Briconnet; ibid. Same subject as the preceding, but applying to Andrea Piccolomini; ibid. Grant of property to Enea Piccolomini; ibid. Francesco Camozzi, granting him all privileges; Siena, Grant by city officials to G. Camozzi to bear arms; ibid. Andrea Capranica contra Francesco Capistrano [? Agreement to lend Pomponio Piccolomini money to free Siena from the Spaniards; n. See also Lea mss.

Collection of 29 legal documents, in one volume: Sale of land belonging to Jacopo de Mignanelli; ibid. On religious foundation established by Magdalena [? Lien on property; ibid.

Sale of mill and land by Francesco de Banciso [? Agreement with Giorgio Ruvere, bp. Sale of land by Adam Luce Dominici; ibid. Notes to him; Copy of bull, [32] confirming grants of castles in Sienese territory to Andrea Piccolomini; ibid.? Contract; or Fragment of a title "Tomo IX.

Note to Leonardo Boccabadati [? Will leaving part of her property to Francesco Todeschini Piccolomini; ibid.

Deed dividing a tract of land; ibid. Land division agreement with Simone Inghirrami; Rome, House lease to Cristoforo de Cortonio; Siena, Instruction regarding property; ibid. Grant to Pietro Parenzi; ibid. Agreement on dowry at her marriage to Geronimo Ildobrandini; ibid.

Miscellaneous 17th-century biographical notes. List of prisoners in battle, incl. Vellum few on paper. Various sizes, in volume measuring Conto per me Nicolo Mannelli, huomo d'arme [ed altri]. Giornale [di pagamenti, segnato] A. Entries are not chronologically con- secutive. Ad statutum positum sub rubrica de contractibus cum minoribus. Ad statutum positum sub rubrica de rebus communibus inter coniunctos. Florence, 2nd half 16th cent. Extracto de la vida, prision y muerte, y se execute.

Copia del tormento y sentencia. Arte de lo bueno. Locuras de Europa; dialogo entre Mercurio y Luciano, fF. Copia de carte escritta al.

Damnatio et prohibitio operis, cui titulus Storia del popolo di Dio by L J. Condemna- cion y prohibicion de la obra. Historia del pueblo de Dios Resumen [y otra relacion] de las personas y culpas, por que estas fueron casttigadas en el autto de la fee. Lisboa en 20 de septtiembre de , fF. Copia del breve que Nro. Clemente XIII ha enviado a la Junta general del clero de Francia para ser entregada de etta en manos del rey , ff.

Spain, 2nd half 18th cent. Bill of Francisco Anzina, advocate, for the de- fense of 24 accused, but too poor to pay, with names of the "culprits," and [34] individual fees totalling reales, signed by the inquisitor, Dr.

Pedro de Carate, and counter- signed by Ellicdo Joan de. Paper very fragile 4 ff. Bernard, exhortations, index of bulls relating to the order, etc.: Interspersed among the 77 ff- of the miscellany are the follow- ing printed items all on one side off only: Additiones quatvior utiles ad faciliorem et celeriorem peccati exstirpationem n.

Cologne, ; f 57r ; Das besonder und taghch Examen. Ignatii distichis comprehensae per D. See also preceding item. This collection covers the years Of these, approximately one half the text is in diplomatic cipher.

Fortunately, the deciphering charts or "keys" are preserved in the collection Lea Ms. The writer has converted them into machine-readable form to permit high-speed computer decipherment of the court correspondence.

The letters of Lea Ms. A description of the court cipher and the modern decipherment sys- tem is given below. First however, a word about the nature of the Montauti collection is in order. The subjects singled out for discussion below serve only to exemplify the nature of the materials available to the researcher. The major challenges facing the Dukedom of Tuscany in the late seventeenth century were foreign policy during the Wars of Louis XIV, and the succession to the Medicean duchy.

Cosimo's pol- icy in the face of this dilemma was to avoid supporting either party, but to plead fervent allegiance to both. In one im- portant instance, however, Cosimo could not evade Imperial pres- sure for cooperation. In the Imperial plenipotentiary at Milan, Count Caraffa, issued a demand that Italian princes under Austrian protection contribute to the cost of quartering troops on Italian soil. A copy of the letter is among the Montauti papers.

Tuscany, the largest "Imperial fief," bears the largest burden. Montauti was to convey the Grand Duke's hope that the Emperor would recognize his loyalty. The country, however, would not be able to support German troops — especially cavalry.

As for contributions in money, his subjects were in poverty and could not possibly help. Despite his protests the Grand Duke was forced to pay, and according to Galluzzi the exactions weighed heavily on the depressed Tuscan economy.

The instructions on the right side read: AUe Vocali si da' numero doppio per variare II Singolare vale anche per plurale II Mascolino per Fcminino, e per Neutro II punto sopra il numero fa' la lettera doppia come 15 nn 21 ss Il punto sopra la figura raddoppia I'istessa figura come 14 22 12 19 24 materia [41] borne by the dukedom during the French-Austrian struggle, and if Tuscany was a powerless pawn, she was, at least, left standing when the game was over.

When he was not writing Montauti about military or diplomatic affairs, Cosimo III turned his attention to the arranging of a marriage. Cosimo's ambition was to insure the continuity of the Medicean line and the succession to the ducal throne, while simultaneously increas- ing the family patrimony through favorable matches. His own mar- riage to Marguerite-Louise d' Orleans in had begun as a calcu- lated union with the triumphant house of Bourbon, and developed into an unmitigated matrimonial and political disaster.

The marriage of Cosimo's first son, Ferdinand, to Princess Vio- lante of Bavaria in had produced no children. By the Grand Duke decided to marry off his second son, Gian Gastone, in the hope that he could father an heir to the Grand Duchy. But rather than search for a compatible wife for his flaccid, sensitive son, Co- simo, ever hopeful of augmenting the family fortune, sought for a wealthy heiress.

To this end he enlisted the assistance of his daughter, who was the wife of the Elector Palatine, and Montauti. Their even- tual choice was Anna Maria Francesca of Saxe-Lauenburg, named in the enciphered correspondence only as la principessa vedova.

She was the widow of the Count Palatine, Phillip of Neuburg and had already inherited many estates in Germany. Anna Maria Francesca and Gian Gastone were married in Each letter of the alphabet had a corresponding num- ber which was substituted in the text of the dispatch. Only those who "possessed the key could translate the numbers back to letters. While more sophisticated cryptographic methods were available to the Florentines, this form of cipher was best suited to the style of corre- [ spondencc used by Cosimo III and Francesco Maria de'Medici.

This sort of communication required a cipher that one could translate into the clear version without having to manipulate the original order of the enciphered characters.

Otherwise, the de- ciphering time would be too great. In its unalloyed form, the simple-substitution cipher is easily broken by means of frequency tables, a method familiar to seven- teenth century Italy.

In order to make cipher-breaking harder, should a letter fall into the wrong hands, the Tuscan court cipher included several complications.

Normal letter frequencies are suppressed in the cipher by assigning two numbers to each of the vowels. Null num- bers having no corresponding letters are interspersed in the text, and repetition characters dots are used to make digital sequences less easily observable.

Cipher-numbers are written in uninterrupted strings with no spacing for word endings. And fmally, court ciphers were changed periodically. The letters of Ms. Manually, the cipher-chart or key is used like a dictionary. One must look up each number and fmd the associated letter or word. But the job is most tedious and time-consuming, and a com- puter can help by performing this simple operation at high speed.

A "library program," that is to say, a set of machine-instructions per- manently stored at the processing center, has been used. For the purpose of decipherment the "words" are the cipher numbers and the "tags" are the associated letters. The program required a "dictionary"; a Hst of the associations between "words" and "tags. In addition, there is the list of nouns: The complete dictionaries for the ciphers of and have been prepared in this fashion.

Complete decipherment involves three steps: Keypunching is the transcription of the text of the manuscript letter or letters onto punch cards; an operation similar to typewriting. The researcher may either punch the entire text of a letter as it appears on the manuscript page, including the uncoded as well as the coded parts, or he can ignore the alphabetic part of the letter and punch only the cipher numbers.

He must be cautious to observe the special conventions of the cipher like repetition of digits when "dotted" during the keypunching stage. The punched cards of the keypunching stage constitute the data input for TAG. TAG will read the uncoded text and print it out while scanning for num- bers that are "dictionary" entries. When one occurs it will be printed with the word or letter next to it, in parentheses.

The decipherment is complete at this stage. However, for large jobs the appearance of TAG output may be unacceptable for rapid reading. It is single- spaced with no separation of pages and no titles. The cipher-numbers remain in the printed version of the text.

To eliminate these difficul- ties, a fmishing program has been provided. Figure 2 is an example of the fmished fmal out- put. Only the dictionary of letter-number equivalents must be changed. The decipherment of the first volume of letters from the court of Tuscany to Antonio Francesco Montauti has provided some interest- ing insights into the history of Tuscany under the latter Medici dukes.

The solution of the decipherment problem should facilitate further research in this valuable collection. The collection is catalogued as Mss. Lea 30, 31, 32, , , and all Ital. Galluzzi, Istoria del Granducato di Tos- cana sotto il governo della casa Medici Florence, , vol.

It was probably issued in or The division of the burden is roughly the same for both exactions with Tuscany contributing about one-third of the total amount demanded in both cases. The Florentines had recognized the hopelessness of the Medicean succession well before the end in Even Cardinal Francesco Maria, the Grand Duke's brother, abandoned the cloth in to marry in the hope of producing an heir. A cipher is a cryptograph in which each alphabetic character has an associated secret symbol: In contrast, codes use a dictionary of key words which represent entire thoughts or phrases.

A transposition cipher is created by the alteration of the order of alphabetic characters according to a specified pattern, and decipherment requires the reordering of the letters back [45 ] to the clear state.

Often, combinations of techniques are used to make decoding still more difficult for unauthorized parties. On the nomenclature and history of cryptography see David Kahn, The Codebreakers: Repetition dots are used in two ways. If a dot occurs directly above a two digit number, it indicates that the number and its associated letter is to be repeated in fuU.

For example, 21 28 22 32 is read as 21 28 22 22 32, "sotto" in the cipher of see figure i. If a dot appears above only one digit however, only that digit is to be repeated, or tacked on to the next digit. Thus 8 6 40 22 8 is read as 8 6 40 22 28 or "acuto. For a brief discussion of the nature and use of ciphers in early modem diplo- matic communication, see Garrett Mattingly, Renaissance Diplomacy Boston, , PP- See Phillip Stone et al. I am much indebted to the Rev. Siberz for having introduced me to PENINK and for guiding me through the intricate programming aspects of this project.

See Jack Heller and George W. A set of control cards for the two programs and a booklet of instructions have been shelved with the Montauti collection in the Lea Library. Also included is a copy of the deciphered version of Ms. Scouten described the importance of this collection in "Materials for the Study of Swift at the University of Pennsylvania," Library Chronicle, XXIII ; and he used the collection in editing Teerink's revision of the bibliography, published in by the University of Pennsyl- vania Press.

The Teerink Collection is of interest not only to editors and bibliographers of Swift, however, for it contains a large number of contemporary replies and criticisms directed at specific works, especially A Tale of a Tub and Gulliver s Travels. This paper will dis- cuss the kinds of response elicited by A Tale of a Tub, first published in When the Tale first appeared, it became the subject of controversy almost at once. For the next fifty years, various commentaries, at- tacks, parodies, imitations and translations kept the controversy alive.

The dispute continues even today: Taken together, they help to demonstrate the climate of eighteenth-century opinion surrounding this difficult and still controversial work. Throughout the eighteenth century the most common reflections of the Tale were derivative titles, works which borrowed the name of the Tale, though having litde connection with the work itself.

Pieces of this kind include The Tripe Club: Far more familiar to modern readers of the Tale are the direct at- tacks on it which inspired the "Apology" of Wotton's "Obser- vations" and Curll's Complete Key are both reprinted in the Guth- kelch and Nichol Smith edition of the Tale and are readily available.

Fewer in number were imitations of the Tale, including continua- tions, second parts and parodies. These demonstrate another impor- tant feature of the contemporary reception of the Tale; it captured the imagination of other writers who, in imitating it, acknowledged its viability as a literary form. It is an interesting fact that parody and imitation seem to have the same effect when applied to the Tale; or perhaps more accurately, it is hard to distinguish imitation from parody.

Between and there were several translations and adapta- tions of the Tale usually along with other early works. Justus van EfFen's French translation went through many editions and was itself pirated in in a somewhat reduced form. Productions D' Esprit Paris, , Teerink omitted the Tale proper certainly because of its anti-Catholic passages and printed the digressions separately as letters, along with some additional material, including A Meditation upon a Broomstick.

There were three translations into German and one into Dutch. Most of these translations contain prefatory matter that is favorable to Swift; some of the comments are quite illuminating. Jonathan Swift , Teerink they reveal the growing cli- mate of favorable opinion. The present paper, then, will discuss these three types of reply to the Tale — direct attacks, parodies and imita- tions, and favorable criticisms.

This volume was the latest part of the ancient-modern controversy [48] waged in England between Sir William Temple for the ancients, and Bentley and Wotton for the modems.

However, Wotton deliberately avoided dis- cussing the digressions wherein the author satirizes Bentley and him- self, histead he attacked the religious allegory and claimed that the Tale was irreverent. Speaking of the three sons, he says, "The num- ber of these Sons born thus at one Birth, looks asquint at the trinity, and one of the Books in our Author's Catalogue in the Off-page over-against the Title, is a Panegyric upon the Number three, which Word is the only one that is put in Capitals in that whole Page" p.

Most of his observations attempt to show that Swift was attacking Christian faith rather than simply the corruptions of the Roman Catholics and the Presbyterians. William John Roscelli agrees to an extent with Wotton that Swift satirized religion itself however unwittingly.

If Swift is here ridiculing the presumption of a church who professes her- self able to cure all spiritual ills, he is simultaneously laughing at the stu- pidity of the sinner who attempts to save his soul by such absurd means. Now in terms of the latter context the efficacy of Penance toward actual remission of sin is irrelevant. What really matters is that some men, through the agency of this sacrament, seek to purify themselves in the sight of God — and Swift somehow asks us to mock them for their effort.

And because he does, at least implicitly, ridicule belief in Penance, he lends some substance to his critics' charge that his allegory attacks faith as well as corruption, p. Here Swift is attacking the doctrine of auricular confession, a frequent object of attack in the late seventeenth century, both in sermons and in popular literature. One attack far more severe than Swift's is found in John Oldham's Satires upon the Jesuits , iv, How haunted virgins have been dispossess'd, And devils were cast out to let in priest; What Fathers act with novices alone, And what to punks in shriving seats is done, Who thither flock to ghostly confessor To clear old debts, and tick with Heav'n for more.

Oft have I seen these hallow'd altars stain'd With rapes, those pews with buggeries profan'd. The attitude here toward the faithful is severe indeed; Swift's treat- ment of the same circumstances is very restrained by comparison. But it is important to see Swift's satire as well as Wotton's remarks within the context of seventeenth-century religious controversy. The attacks on the religious allegory in the Tale have perhaps been stressed too much.

Critics of Swift in fact attacked him equally for offenses against literary decorum. The original purpose of King's reply was to avow "that he had no hand in writing the Tale of a Tub" himself.

King, but supposedly written by a trash- collector. King uses this persona to demonstrate that even the basest sort of man has the good sense to avoid the Tale. This garbage-man is remarkably literate and refmed, a fact that adds to the effect of King's satire and makes the piece very amusing. The letter is sent from "Gravel-lane, in Old-street, June 10, ": Nutt's for one of the copies.

I affect cleanliness to a nicety. I mix my ink with rose or orange- flower- water, my scrutoire is of cedar-wood, my wax is scented, and my paper hes amongst sweet bags. In short, I will use you with a thousand times more respect than the Bookseller of the "Tale of a Tub" does a noble Peer, under the pretence of a Dedication; or than the Author does his Readers, pp.

The second is, to shew how great a proficient he is, at hectoring and bullying, at ranting and roaring, and especially at cursing and swearing. He makes his persons of all characters full of their oaths and imprecations; nay, his very spider has his share, and, as far as in the Author hes, he would transmit his impiety to things that are irrational. His third is, to exceed all bounds of modesty.

Men who are obHged by necessity to make use of uncommon expressions, yet have an art of mak- ing all appear decent; but this Author, on the other side, endeavours to heighten the worst colours, and to that end he searches his antient Authors for their lewdest images, which he manages so as to make even impudence itself to blush at them.

His next is, a great affectation for every thing that is nasty. When he spies any object that another person would avoid looking on, that he em- braces. He takes the air upon dung-hills, in ditches, and common-shoars, and at my Lord Mayor's dog-kennel. In short, almost every part has a tincture of such filthiness, as renders it unfit for the worst of uses. This literate trash-collector leaves the profanity "to my betters"; and Wotton was quick to supply his own objections in [51] In any case, King's objections were common in the eighteenth century, though they are no longer taken seriously by the descriptive critics of the twentieth.

Thus Wotton's "Observations" are only one kind of attack, and not the most common. An even greater extreme of adverse criticism is John Dennis's at- tack on Swift in a letter "To the Examiner" Demiis here uses Wotton's "Observations" or at least the same kind of adverse opinion brutally against Swift in an example of pure in- vective. We see from this passage how seriously Wotton's comments could be taken by those so inclined. Not all the replies to the Tale were so unfavorable as the direct criticisms of Wotton, King, and Dennis.

Imitations of the Tale some of which appear to be parodic convey at least an ambivalent re- sponse, and sometimes a favorable one.

This work consists of an "Epistle Dedicatory," which argues political moderation; an Introduction, which attacks Swift; and the greatest part of the work, "The Pleasant Fable of the Oak and her Three Provinces," a political allegory in which the oak represents Queen Anne, and the Provinces, England, Ireland, and Scotland.

This political allegory is clearly derived from the design of the Tale; the author even alludes to the Tale: The "Morning's Discourse" section is actually the introduction to the fable described above. This discourse takes the form of a conver- sation between two friends about the Tale: It chanc'd that another Gentleman and my self making to the Place an [52] early Visit, fell into a very warm Dispute.

After re-titling the work ''Bundle of Dirressions [sic]" and berating the insolence of the author in attacking famous writers by name, he goes on. Note the ambivalence of these lines: Now the notable Touches on the rambling Subject of his Book, I dare Swear, he thinks, as indeed a great many in Town do besides very Schol- lar-Hke and witty; well, perhaps I think so too, yet for aU that, I shall not fear to say, his exposing Avithors nominally, and sheltring himself from Reprehension by Concealment, is very immoral and unjust.

I shall not through any apprehension of his Gygantick Merit spare him, who for his Diversion is pleased to make so bold with me, concurring with the Famous Tasso, L'ahe nan temo, e riiumili non sdegno. What a Chaos of various Conditions, wovild this Whimsical Au- thor make us beheve he has suffer' d, in the turning over a few Pages?

Here he's Secretary to the Universe, in another Place Miraculous for his great Gen- ius, and then a little further, A deplorable Beggar, half starv'd in a Garret: But have Patience a httle, this you are to understand is only Banter still, a Pedant's new Jest, as I told you before; but truly I think very unbecoming any Gentleman's Pen, much less, one that has the Honour to be of the Clergy.

And therefore for lessening himself in this Scandalous Man- ner And an Army of others as powerful, endeavouring to fright common Sence out of its Wits, and confound the good Method of Stile to a Degree of Barbarism" p. Finally, the author gives an account of [53] a madman, a deranged merchant whose delusion is that he is Nep- tune. Then he apphes the story to the author of the Tale: But then suddainly, in some confounded Di- gression, a few Pages after, the mad Vein being touch' d, either By [sic] Dr.

Wootton [sic], or some other Modem Writer, he Mim- icks Cousin Neptune to the heighth, and instead of a Taper-Clergyman, swells up "within a very small Matter of the overgrown Size of a Bulky Atheist, and is as ravingly mad as our before-mention'd Merchant for the Heart of him. First digressing himself in the story of the merchant, he fmally brings the digression to bear on his subject, whom he attacks for the use of the same digressions. Whether this Morning's Discourse is a conscious parody of Swift or not, its effect is to reinforce the validity of the Tale's literary method.

We should note also that the objects of attack here are abuses of decorum, as in King, not failings of orthodoxy, as in Wotton. To King's criticism of lewdness and obscenity this author adds those of stylistic imperfection and the im- propriety of the work to a clergyman's pen. But most important, the ambivalence of this criticism can be seen in the way the author quali- fies his statements: The French work is a kind of prototype of The Battle oj the Books; quite possibly the publi- cation of the Battle along with the Tale in created a market for works of this kind.

In any case, the preface contains some adverse criticism of the Tale, as well as some imitation of its style. The writer begins with an imitative passage: I wonder, I say, why he, or rather the Bookseller for him, for he, good Soul, now Rests in Peace with. Julian, Hobbes, Aretine, and those other incorrupt Pillars of the Church has not taken the same Method: A2r-A3v The speaker comments ironically on several features of the Tale, and then proceeds to attack its author for anonymity.

The references to the Bookseller certainly suggest the frequent mention of him in the prolegomena to the Tale; and certain phrases echo the Preface and Introduction. Such verbal echoes as "Aversion to Satyr" direct our attention to the brilliant irony of the Tale itself, rather than set our minds against its author.

Moreover, the style of the long-winded passage just quoted is imitative of the Tale's, own baroque style. A third imitation of the Tale deserves special notice because it was once attributed to Swift himself. A Dedication to a Great Man, Con- cerning Dedications , Teerink has no explicit comiection to the Tale, but its subject matter is the same as that of numerous ded- [55 ] ications in the Tale: The opening passage gives a good idea of the contents: My Lord, Your Lordship and I are not at all acquainted, I therefore take Leave to be very famihar with you, and to desire you to be my Patron, because you do not know me, nor I you: Nor can this Manner of Address seem strange to your Lordship, whilst it is warranted by such numerous Precedents.

I have known an Author praise an Earl for twenty Pages together, tho' he knew nothing of him, but that he had Money to spare. He made him Wise, Just, and Rehgious, for no Reason in the World, but in Hopes to find him Charitable; and gave him a more bountiful Heart, because he himself had a most empty Stomach.

This Practice being general, it is a very easy Matter to guess, by the Size of the Panegyrick, how wealthy the Patron may be, or how hungry the Author; if it exceeds three Pages, you may pawn all the Blood in your Body upon it, the Writer has fasted three Days; and that his Lordship, among all his other good Parts, has at least ten thousand Pounds a Year.

The Dedication to a Great Man simply expands somewhat less subtly this theme. Two passages seem to be especially Swiftian. The first is a bill from a dedicator for services rendered: For a Hogshead of Courage that never saw the Sun, It. For a long Line of Lineage, and great Quantities of ancient Blood, neither of them measur'd, but only guess'd at, It.

For praising your Ancestors, unknown, J It. For admiring your Lady's Beauty unsight, [sic] unseen, It. For a graceful Person, all of 1 my own making, j It. For several Thimble-fulls of Generosity, a scarce Commodity! Were the Tongue only to move by the Direction of good Sense, how many worthy English Gentlemen and fme Ladies would live and die se- cretly Dumb? It is an Offence to others, and a Distemper in our selves.

This disease I call the Upward Loose- ness; and it is in several Respects as nauseous as that below; nay, it some- times equally affronts the Sense of SmeUing, as when the Speaker's Lungs are not over-orthodox, or so Why must prating Oafs empty of every Thing but Froth and Clamour be for ever suffer' d, without Rebuke, to be spewing up their [57] ill-scented Crudities in the Faces of Men that are either Wise or Brave?

I would humbly propose. Or, perhaps, it may be more proper, without saying a Word, to run with a Chamber-pot, and hold it up to his Chin. For this Purpose, I would decree, that every Place of publick Meeting in this Island be pro- vided with one or more of these necessary Vessels, either to receive or re- strain the Overflowings of indigested Oratory.

If one of these emetick Speakers cannot conveniently be come at, it is only crying, To the Chamber- pot; and if he has Shame in him, he will grow well, and sit down. Clearly, however, Swift had a reputation for works like the Dedication to a Great Man; whoever the author was, he must have had a great ad- miration for Swift's technique.

More objective responses to the Tale began to appear as soon as a degree of critical perspective had been achieved. This occurred first on the Continent, since foreign critics and translators were less di- rectly involved with the English literary scene. Van EfFen writes in defense of the Tale: One passage of van Effen's preface is a direct refutation of Wotton and other earlier critics: Je suis persuadee que ce que je viens de dire a I'avantage de ce Conte sur- prendra beaucoup la plupart des personnes, qui en ont entendu parler.

Tous les devots en Angleterre regardent cet Ouvrage comme le dernier effort d'une imagination libertine, qui ne songe, qu'a fonder I'irreHgion sur la ruine de toutes les Sectes Chretiennes. De la maniere dont la masse generale des hommes, qui ont une Religion, est faite, il faut de necessite qu'elle en forme ce jugement.

The first sentence of the passage shows that such adverse criticism had reached the Continent, and was common enough for a favorable interpretation to be greeted with surprise.

The critic of the Tale described by van Effen here is not far removed from Dennis, whose harsh remarks may well have been common. Jonathan Swift , [59] Teerink In Letter 23, Orrery discusses the Tale, and defends Swift against his critics: It has been one of the misfortunes attending Christianity, that many of her sons, from a mistaken fiHal piety, have indulged themselves in too re- strained, and too melancholy a way of thinking.

Can we wonder then, if a book composed with all the force of wit and humour in derision of sacerdotal tyranny, in ridicule of grave hypocrisy, and in contempt of flegmatic stiffness, should be so wilfully misconstrued by some persons, and ignorantly mistaken by others, as a sarcasm and reflexion upon the whole Christian Church?

He continues with an interesting observation on the rehgious allegory of the Tale: In the style of truth, therefore, I must still look upon The Tale of a Tub, as no intended insult against Christianity, but as a satyr against the wild errors of the church of Rome, the slow and incompleat reformation of the Lu- therans, and the absurd, and affected zeal of the presbyterians. The effect, of course, is to exonerate Swift from any charge of attacking the An- glican faith itself.

Finally, Orrery turns to the attacks made on Swift, and discusses the authorship question. However wide therefore the difference of Peter and Jack might have been in fashioning their coats, the two brothers most sincerely agreed in their hatred of an adversary so powerful as this anonymous author. They spared no unmannerly reflexions upon his character. They had recourse to every kind of abuse that could reach liim.

And sometimes, it was the work of Swift and his companions: Orrery seems to interpret the Key as an indirect attack on Swift, in [60] denying his authorship of the Tale. Perhaps Orrery's critical perspec- tive is at a disadvantage in this question, however, since it would have been disadvantageous for Jonathan Swift to acknowledge the work. If he had admitted authorship publicly, we can only assume there would have been more attacks like Demiis's.

With the achievement of critical perspective, then, responses to the Tale approached rather closely to modern evaluations of the work. In the eighteenth century criticism proceeded from outright attack to imitation to objective study, and interestingly, one of Orrery's re- marks is still a subject of controversy — the authorship question. It is important to note that much of the early criticism was favorable, whether directly, as in van Effen's preface, or indirectly, in the nu- merous imitations and parodies which, for all their direct attack, ap- proved of the Tale's method.

Thus the contemporary success of the Tale can be gauged by the large number of writers who found in it a starting point for their own work. The complexities of the Tale have produced numerous critical discussions of the work during the past twenty years. Starkman, in Swift's Satire on Learning in A Tale of a Tub Princeton, asserts the unity of satiric attack on corruptions of the new learning; and Phillip Harth's Swift and Anglican Rationalism Chicago, discusses the particular objects of the Tale's satire on rehgion.

A Tale of a Tub, ed. Nichol Smith, 2nd ed. All references to the Tale and to these replies are to page numbers of this text.

For rephes not printed by Guthkelch and Nichol Smith short titles and dates are presented in my text along with numerical reference to A Bibliography of the Writings of Jonathan Swift, 2nd ed. Scou- tcn Philadelphia, Richard Foster Jones in Ancients and Moderns: Louis, discusses this controversy in detail; Mir- iam K. Starkman applies Jones's findings to the Tale in her furst chapter.

Quoted from Poems on Affairs of State, 11, ed. New Haven, , Numerous parallels to Swift's attacks on rehgious abuse are dis- cussed by C. Phillip Harth discusses the numerous seventeenth-century attacks on Catholics and atheists as well in Swft and Anglican Rationalism.

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Ne manquez pas cette vidéo brutale où Iris prend une bonne baise dans le cul. Shattuck 68 and 71 may belong here instead of in the first cate- gory, and included also are William Winter's copy Shattuck 70 and the copy made by James Taylor apparently for the Edwin Forrest [68] Lodge in New York Shattuck Reports, letters, discourses and treatises. They concern the follow- ing members of the Medici family: Surely Winter's comment that For- rest opened in Garrick's version op. One must look up each number and fmd the associated letter or word. Resumen [y otra relacion] de las personas y culpas, por que estas fueron casttigadas en el autto de la fee.

Miscellaneous 17th-century biographical notes. List of prisoners in battle, incl. Vellum few on paper. Various sizes, in volume measuring Conto per me Nicolo Mannelli, huomo d'arme [ed altri]. Giornale [di pagamenti, segnato] A. Entries are not chronologically con- secutive.

Ad statutum positum sub rubrica de contractibus cum minoribus. Ad statutum positum sub rubrica de rebus communibus inter coniunctos. Florence, 2nd half 16th cent. Extracto de la vida, prision y muerte, y se execute.

Copia del tormento y sentencia. Arte de lo bueno. Locuras de Europa; dialogo entre Mercurio y Luciano, fF. Copia de carte escritta al. Damnatio et prohibitio operis, cui titulus Storia del popolo di Dio by L J.

Condemna- cion y prohibicion de la obra. Historia del pueblo de Dios Resumen [y otra relacion] de las personas y culpas, por que estas fueron casttigadas en el autto de la fee. Lisboa en 20 de septtiembre de , fF. Copia del breve que Nro. Clemente XIII ha enviado a la Junta general del clero de Francia para ser entregada de etta en manos del rey , ff. Spain, 2nd half 18th cent.

Bill of Francisco Anzina, advocate, for the de- fense of 24 accused, but too poor to pay, with names of the "culprits," and [34] individual fees totalling reales, signed by the inquisitor, Dr.

Pedro de Carate, and counter- signed by Ellicdo Joan de. Paper very fragile 4 ff. Bernard, exhortations, index of bulls relating to the order, etc.: Interspersed among the 77 ff- of the miscellany are the follow- ing printed items all on one side off only: Additiones quatvior utiles ad faciliorem et celeriorem peccati exstirpationem n.

Cologne, ; f 57r ; Das besonder und taghch Examen. Ignatii distichis comprehensae per D. See also preceding item. This collection covers the years Of these, approximately one half the text is in diplomatic cipher.

Fortunately, the deciphering charts or "keys" are preserved in the collection Lea Ms. The writer has converted them into machine-readable form to permit high-speed computer decipherment of the court correspondence. The letters of Lea Ms. A description of the court cipher and the modern decipherment sys- tem is given below.

First however, a word about the nature of the Montauti collection is in order. The subjects singled out for discussion below serve only to exemplify the nature of the materials available to the researcher. The major challenges facing the Dukedom of Tuscany in the late seventeenth century were foreign policy during the Wars of Louis XIV, and the succession to the Medicean duchy. Cosimo's pol- icy in the face of this dilemma was to avoid supporting either party, but to plead fervent allegiance to both.

In one im- portant instance, however, Cosimo could not evade Imperial pres- sure for cooperation. In the Imperial plenipotentiary at Milan, Count Caraffa, issued a demand that Italian princes under Austrian protection contribute to the cost of quartering troops on Italian soil.

A copy of the letter is among the Montauti papers. Tuscany, the largest "Imperial fief," bears the largest burden.

Montauti was to convey the Grand Duke's hope that the Emperor would recognize his loyalty. The country, however, would not be able to support German troops — especially cavalry. As for contributions in money, his subjects were in poverty and could not possibly help. Despite his protests the Grand Duke was forced to pay, and according to Galluzzi the exactions weighed heavily on the depressed Tuscan economy.

The instructions on the right side read: AUe Vocali si da' numero doppio per variare II Singolare vale anche per plurale II Mascolino per Fcminino, e per Neutro II punto sopra il numero fa' la lettera doppia come 15 nn 21 ss Il punto sopra la figura raddoppia I'istessa figura come 14 22 12 19 24 materia [41] borne by the dukedom during the French-Austrian struggle, and if Tuscany was a powerless pawn, she was, at least, left standing when the game was over.

When he was not writing Montauti about military or diplomatic affairs, Cosimo III turned his attention to the arranging of a marriage. Cosimo's ambition was to insure the continuity of the Medicean line and the succession to the ducal throne, while simultaneously increas- ing the family patrimony through favorable matches.

His own mar- riage to Marguerite-Louise d' Orleans in had begun as a calcu- lated union with the triumphant house of Bourbon, and developed into an unmitigated matrimonial and political disaster. The marriage of Cosimo's first son, Ferdinand, to Princess Vio- lante of Bavaria in had produced no children.

By the Grand Duke decided to marry off his second son, Gian Gastone, in the hope that he could father an heir to the Grand Duchy. But rather than search for a compatible wife for his flaccid, sensitive son, Co- simo, ever hopeful of augmenting the family fortune, sought for a wealthy heiress. To this end he enlisted the assistance of his daughter, who was the wife of the Elector Palatine, and Montauti. Their even- tual choice was Anna Maria Francesca of Saxe-Lauenburg, named in the enciphered correspondence only as la principessa vedova.

She was the widow of the Count Palatine, Phillip of Neuburg and had already inherited many estates in Germany. Anna Maria Francesca and Gian Gastone were married in Each letter of the alphabet had a corresponding num- ber which was substituted in the text of the dispatch. Only those who "possessed the key could translate the numbers back to letters.

While more sophisticated cryptographic methods were available to the Florentines, this form of cipher was best suited to the style of corre- [ spondencc used by Cosimo III and Francesco Maria de'Medici. This sort of communication required a cipher that one could translate into the clear version without having to manipulate the original order of the enciphered characters.

Otherwise, the de- ciphering time would be too great. In its unalloyed form, the simple-substitution cipher is easily broken by means of frequency tables, a method familiar to seven- teenth century Italy. In order to make cipher-breaking harder, should a letter fall into the wrong hands, the Tuscan court cipher included several complications. Normal letter frequencies are suppressed in the cipher by assigning two numbers to each of the vowels.

Null num- bers having no corresponding letters are interspersed in the text, and repetition characters dots are used to make digital sequences less easily observable.

Cipher-numbers are written in uninterrupted strings with no spacing for word endings. And fmally, court ciphers were changed periodically. The letters of Ms. Manually, the cipher-chart or key is used like a dictionary. One must look up each number and fmd the associated letter or word. But the job is most tedious and time-consuming, and a com- puter can help by performing this simple operation at high speed.

A "library program," that is to say, a set of machine-instructions per- manently stored at the processing center, has been used. For the purpose of decipherment the "words" are the cipher numbers and the "tags" are the associated letters. The program required a "dictionary"; a Hst of the associations between "words" and "tags.

In addition, there is the list of nouns: The complete dictionaries for the ciphers of and have been prepared in this fashion. Complete decipherment involves three steps: Keypunching is the transcription of the text of the manuscript letter or letters onto punch cards; an operation similar to typewriting.

The researcher may either punch the entire text of a letter as it appears on the manuscript page, including the uncoded as well as the coded parts, or he can ignore the alphabetic part of the letter and punch only the cipher numbers.

He must be cautious to observe the special conventions of the cipher like repetition of digits when "dotted" during the keypunching stage. The punched cards of the keypunching stage constitute the data input for TAG. TAG will read the uncoded text and print it out while scanning for num- bers that are "dictionary" entries.

When one occurs it will be printed with the word or letter next to it, in parentheses. The decipherment is complete at this stage. However, for large jobs the appearance of TAG output may be unacceptable for rapid reading. It is single- spaced with no separation of pages and no titles. The cipher-numbers remain in the printed version of the text. To eliminate these difficul- ties, a fmishing program has been provided.

Figure 2 is an example of the fmished fmal out- put. Only the dictionary of letter-number equivalents must be changed. The decipherment of the first volume of letters from the court of Tuscany to Antonio Francesco Montauti has provided some interest- ing insights into the history of Tuscany under the latter Medici dukes. The solution of the decipherment problem should facilitate further research in this valuable collection.

The collection is catalogued as Mss. Lea 30, 31, 32, , , and all Ital. Galluzzi, Istoria del Granducato di Tos- cana sotto il governo della casa Medici Florence, , vol. It was probably issued in or The division of the burden is roughly the same for both exactions with Tuscany contributing about one-third of the total amount demanded in both cases.

The Florentines had recognized the hopelessness of the Medicean succession well before the end in Even Cardinal Francesco Maria, the Grand Duke's brother, abandoned the cloth in to marry in the hope of producing an heir.

A cipher is a cryptograph in which each alphabetic character has an associated secret symbol: In contrast, codes use a dictionary of key words which represent entire thoughts or phrases.

A transposition cipher is created by the alteration of the order of alphabetic characters according to a specified pattern, and decipherment requires the reordering of the letters back [45 ] to the clear state.

Often, combinations of techniques are used to make decoding still more difficult for unauthorized parties. On the nomenclature and history of cryptography see David Kahn, The Codebreakers: Repetition dots are used in two ways.

If a dot occurs directly above a two digit number, it indicates that the number and its associated letter is to be repeated in fuU. For example, 21 28 22 32 is read as 21 28 22 22 32, "sotto" in the cipher of see figure i. If a dot appears above only one digit however, only that digit is to be repeated, or tacked on to the next digit. Thus 8 6 40 22 8 is read as 8 6 40 22 28 or "acuto.

For a brief discussion of the nature and use of ciphers in early modem diplo- matic communication, see Garrett Mattingly, Renaissance Diplomacy Boston, , PP- See Phillip Stone et al.

I am much indebted to the Rev. Siberz for having introduced me to PENINK and for guiding me through the intricate programming aspects of this project. See Jack Heller and George W.

A set of control cards for the two programs and a booklet of instructions have been shelved with the Montauti collection in the Lea Library. Also included is a copy of the deciphered version of Ms. Scouten described the importance of this collection in "Materials for the Study of Swift at the University of Pennsylvania," Library Chronicle, XXIII ; and he used the collection in editing Teerink's revision of the bibliography, published in by the University of Pennsyl- vania Press.

The Teerink Collection is of interest not only to editors and bibliographers of Swift, however, for it contains a large number of contemporary replies and criticisms directed at specific works, especially A Tale of a Tub and Gulliver s Travels. This paper will dis- cuss the kinds of response elicited by A Tale of a Tub, first published in When the Tale first appeared, it became the subject of controversy almost at once. For the next fifty years, various commentaries, at- tacks, parodies, imitations and translations kept the controversy alive.

The dispute continues even today: Taken together, they help to demonstrate the climate of eighteenth-century opinion surrounding this difficult and still controversial work. Throughout the eighteenth century the most common reflections of the Tale were derivative titles, works which borrowed the name of the Tale, though having litde connection with the work itself.

Pieces of this kind include The Tripe Club: Far more familiar to modern readers of the Tale are the direct at- tacks on it which inspired the "Apology" of Wotton's "Obser- vations" and Curll's Complete Key are both reprinted in the Guth- kelch and Nichol Smith edition of the Tale and are readily available. Fewer in number were imitations of the Tale, including continua- tions, second parts and parodies.

These demonstrate another impor- tant feature of the contemporary reception of the Tale; it captured the imagination of other writers who, in imitating it, acknowledged its viability as a literary form. It is an interesting fact that parody and imitation seem to have the same effect when applied to the Tale; or perhaps more accurately, it is hard to distinguish imitation from parody. Between and there were several translations and adapta- tions of the Tale usually along with other early works.

Justus van EfFen's French translation went through many editions and was itself pirated in in a somewhat reduced form. Productions D' Esprit Paris, , Teerink omitted the Tale proper certainly because of its anti-Catholic passages and printed the digressions separately as letters, along with some additional material, including A Meditation upon a Broomstick. There were three translations into German and one into Dutch.

Most of these translations contain prefatory matter that is favorable to Swift; some of the comments are quite illuminating. Jonathan Swift , Teerink they reveal the growing cli- mate of favorable opinion. The present paper, then, will discuss these three types of reply to the Tale — direct attacks, parodies and imita- tions, and favorable criticisms. This volume was the latest part of the ancient-modern controversy [48] waged in England between Sir William Temple for the ancients, and Bentley and Wotton for the modems.

However, Wotton deliberately avoided dis- cussing the digressions wherein the author satirizes Bentley and him- self, histead he attacked the religious allegory and claimed that the Tale was irreverent.

Speaking of the three sons, he says, "The num- ber of these Sons born thus at one Birth, looks asquint at the trinity, and one of the Books in our Author's Catalogue in the Off-page over-against the Title, is a Panegyric upon the Number three, which Word is the only one that is put in Capitals in that whole Page" p.

Most of his observations attempt to show that Swift was attacking Christian faith rather than simply the corruptions of the Roman Catholics and the Presbyterians. William John Roscelli agrees to an extent with Wotton that Swift satirized religion itself however unwittingly.

If Swift is here ridiculing the presumption of a church who professes her- self able to cure all spiritual ills, he is simultaneously laughing at the stu- pidity of the sinner who attempts to save his soul by such absurd means. Now in terms of the latter context the efficacy of Penance toward actual remission of sin is irrelevant. What really matters is that some men, through the agency of this sacrament, seek to purify themselves in the sight of God — and Swift somehow asks us to mock them for their effort.

And because he does, at least implicitly, ridicule belief in Penance, he lends some substance to his critics' charge that his allegory attacks faith as well as corruption, p. Here Swift is attacking the doctrine of auricular confession, a frequent object of attack in the late seventeenth century, both in sermons and in popular literature.

One attack far more severe than Swift's is found in John Oldham's Satires upon the Jesuits , iv, How haunted virgins have been dispossess'd, And devils were cast out to let in priest; What Fathers act with novices alone, And what to punks in shriving seats is done, Who thither flock to ghostly confessor To clear old debts, and tick with Heav'n for more.

Oft have I seen these hallow'd altars stain'd With rapes, those pews with buggeries profan'd. The attitude here toward the faithful is severe indeed; Swift's treat- ment of the same circumstances is very restrained by comparison. But it is important to see Swift's satire as well as Wotton's remarks within the context of seventeenth-century religious controversy. The attacks on the religious allegory in the Tale have perhaps been stressed too much. Critics of Swift in fact attacked him equally for offenses against literary decorum.

The original purpose of King's reply was to avow "that he had no hand in writing the Tale of a Tub" himself. King, but supposedly written by a trash- collector.

King uses this persona to demonstrate that even the basest sort of man has the good sense to avoid the Tale. This garbage-man is remarkably literate and refmed, a fact that adds to the effect of King's satire and makes the piece very amusing.

The letter is sent from "Gravel-lane, in Old-street, June 10, ": Nutt's for one of the copies. I affect cleanliness to a nicety. I mix my ink with rose or orange- flower- water, my scrutoire is of cedar-wood, my wax is scented, and my paper hes amongst sweet bags.

In short, I will use you with a thousand times more respect than the Bookseller of the "Tale of a Tub" does a noble Peer, under the pretence of a Dedication; or than the Author does his Readers, pp. The second is, to shew how great a proficient he is, at hectoring and bullying, at ranting and roaring, and especially at cursing and swearing.

He makes his persons of all characters full of their oaths and imprecations; nay, his very spider has his share, and, as far as in the Author hes, he would transmit his impiety to things that are irrational. His third is, to exceed all bounds of modesty. Men who are obHged by necessity to make use of uncommon expressions, yet have an art of mak- ing all appear decent; but this Author, on the other side, endeavours to heighten the worst colours, and to that end he searches his antient Authors for their lewdest images, which he manages so as to make even impudence itself to blush at them.

His next is, a great affectation for every thing that is nasty. When he spies any object that another person would avoid looking on, that he em- braces. He takes the air upon dung-hills, in ditches, and common-shoars, and at my Lord Mayor's dog-kennel.

In short, almost every part has a tincture of such filthiness, as renders it unfit for the worst of uses.

This literate trash-collector leaves the profanity "to my betters"; and Wotton was quick to supply his own objections in [51] In any case, King's objections were common in the eighteenth century, though they are no longer taken seriously by the descriptive critics of the twentieth.

Thus Wotton's "Observations" are only one kind of attack, and not the most common. An even greater extreme of adverse criticism is John Dennis's at- tack on Swift in a letter "To the Examiner" Demiis here uses Wotton's "Observations" or at least the same kind of adverse opinion brutally against Swift in an example of pure in- vective.

We see from this passage how seriously Wotton's comments could be taken by those so inclined. Not all the replies to the Tale were so unfavorable as the direct criticisms of Wotton, King, and Dennis.

Imitations of the Tale some of which appear to be parodic convey at least an ambivalent re- sponse, and sometimes a favorable one. This work consists of an "Epistle Dedicatory," which argues political moderation; an Introduction, which attacks Swift; and the greatest part of the work, "The Pleasant Fable of the Oak and her Three Provinces," a political allegory in which the oak represents Queen Anne, and the Provinces, England, Ireland, and Scotland.

This political allegory is clearly derived from the design of the Tale; the author even alludes to the Tale: The "Morning's Discourse" section is actually the introduction to the fable described above. This discourse takes the form of a conver- sation between two friends about the Tale: It chanc'd that another Gentleman and my self making to the Place an [52] early Visit, fell into a very warm Dispute.

After re-titling the work ''Bundle of Dirressions [sic]" and berating the insolence of the author in attacking famous writers by name, he goes on. Note the ambivalence of these lines: Now the notable Touches on the rambling Subject of his Book, I dare Swear, he thinks, as indeed a great many in Town do besides very Schol- lar-Hke and witty; well, perhaps I think so too, yet for aU that, I shall not fear to say, his exposing Avithors nominally, and sheltring himself from Reprehension by Concealment, is very immoral and unjust.

I shall not through any apprehension of his Gygantick Merit spare him, who for his Diversion is pleased to make so bold with me, concurring with the Famous Tasso, L'ahe nan temo, e riiumili non sdegno. What a Chaos of various Conditions, wovild this Whimsical Au- thor make us beheve he has suffer' d, in the turning over a few Pages?

Here he's Secretary to the Universe, in another Place Miraculous for his great Gen- ius, and then a little further, A deplorable Beggar, half starv'd in a Garret: But have Patience a httle, this you are to understand is only Banter still, a Pedant's new Jest, as I told you before; but truly I think very unbecoming any Gentleman's Pen, much less, one that has the Honour to be of the Clergy. And therefore for lessening himself in this Scandalous Man- ner And an Army of others as powerful, endeavouring to fright common Sence out of its Wits, and confound the good Method of Stile to a Degree of Barbarism" p.

Finally, the author gives an account of [53] a madman, a deranged merchant whose delusion is that he is Nep- tune. Then he apphes the story to the author of the Tale: But then suddainly, in some confounded Di- gression, a few Pages after, the mad Vein being touch' d, either By [sic] Dr. Wootton [sic], or some other Modem Writer, he Mim- icks Cousin Neptune to the heighth, and instead of a Taper-Clergyman, swells up "within a very small Matter of the overgrown Size of a Bulky Atheist, and is as ravingly mad as our before-mention'd Merchant for the Heart of him.

First digressing himself in the story of the merchant, he fmally brings the digression to bear on his subject, whom he attacks for the use of the same digressions. Whether this Morning's Discourse is a conscious parody of Swift or not, its effect is to reinforce the validity of the Tale's literary method. We should note also that the objects of attack here are abuses of decorum, as in King, not failings of orthodoxy, as in Wotton. To King's criticism of lewdness and obscenity this author adds those of stylistic imperfection and the im- propriety of the work to a clergyman's pen.

But most important, the ambivalence of this criticism can be seen in the way the author quali- fies his statements: The French work is a kind of prototype of The Battle oj the Books; quite possibly the publi- cation of the Battle along with the Tale in created a market for works of this kind. In any case, the preface contains some adverse criticism of the Tale, as well as some imitation of its style. The writer begins with an imitative passage: I wonder, I say, why he, or rather the Bookseller for him, for he, good Soul, now Rests in Peace with.

Julian, Hobbes, Aretine, and those other incorrupt Pillars of the Church has not taken the same Method: A2r-A3v The speaker comments ironically on several features of the Tale, and then proceeds to attack its author for anonymity. The references to the Bookseller certainly suggest the frequent mention of him in the prolegomena to the Tale; and certain phrases echo the Preface and Introduction.

Such verbal echoes as "Aversion to Satyr" direct our attention to the brilliant irony of the Tale itself, rather than set our minds against its author.

Moreover, the style of the long-winded passage just quoted is imitative of the Tale's, own baroque style. A third imitation of the Tale deserves special notice because it was once attributed to Swift himself. A Dedication to a Great Man, Con- cerning Dedications , Teerink has no explicit comiection to the Tale, but its subject matter is the same as that of numerous ded- [55 ] ications in the Tale: The opening passage gives a good idea of the contents: My Lord, Your Lordship and I are not at all acquainted, I therefore take Leave to be very famihar with you, and to desire you to be my Patron, because you do not know me, nor I you: Nor can this Manner of Address seem strange to your Lordship, whilst it is warranted by such numerous Precedents.

I have known an Author praise an Earl for twenty Pages together, tho' he knew nothing of him, but that he had Money to spare. He made him Wise, Just, and Rehgious, for no Reason in the World, but in Hopes to find him Charitable; and gave him a more bountiful Heart, because he himself had a most empty Stomach. This Practice being general, it is a very easy Matter to guess, by the Size of the Panegyrick, how wealthy the Patron may be, or how hungry the Author; if it exceeds three Pages, you may pawn all the Blood in your Body upon it, the Writer has fasted three Days; and that his Lordship, among all his other good Parts, has at least ten thousand Pounds a Year.

The Dedication to a Great Man simply expands somewhat less subtly this theme. Two passages seem to be especially Swiftian. The first is a bill from a dedicator for services rendered: For a Hogshead of Courage that never saw the Sun, It. For a long Line of Lineage, and great Quantities of ancient Blood, neither of them measur'd, but only guess'd at, It. For praising your Ancestors, unknown, J It. For admiring your Lady's Beauty unsight, [sic] unseen, It. For a graceful Person, all of 1 my own making, j It.

For several Thimble-fulls of Generosity, a scarce Commodity! Were the Tongue only to move by the Direction of good Sense, how many worthy English Gentlemen and fme Ladies would live and die se- cretly Dumb?

It is an Offence to others, and a Distemper in our selves. This disease I call the Upward Loose- ness; and it is in several Respects as nauseous as that below; nay, it some- times equally affronts the Sense of SmeUing, as when the Speaker's Lungs are not over-orthodox, or so Why must prating Oafs empty of every Thing but Froth and Clamour be for ever suffer' d, without Rebuke, to be spewing up their [57] ill-scented Crudities in the Faces of Men that are either Wise or Brave?

I would humbly propose. Or, perhaps, it may be more proper, without saying a Word, to run with a Chamber-pot, and hold it up to his Chin. For this Purpose, I would decree, that every Place of publick Meeting in this Island be pro- vided with one or more of these necessary Vessels, either to receive or re- strain the Overflowings of indigested Oratory.

If one of these emetick Speakers cannot conveniently be come at, it is only crying, To the Chamber- pot; and if he has Shame in him, he will grow well, and sit down. Clearly, however, Swift had a reputation for works like the Dedication to a Great Man; whoever the author was, he must have had a great ad- miration for Swift's technique. More objective responses to the Tale began to appear as soon as a degree of critical perspective had been achieved.

This occurred first on the Continent, since foreign critics and translators were less di- rectly involved with the English literary scene. Van EfFen writes in defense of the Tale: One passage of van Effen's preface is a direct refutation of Wotton and other earlier critics: Je suis persuadee que ce que je viens de dire a I'avantage de ce Conte sur- prendra beaucoup la plupart des personnes, qui en ont entendu parler.

Tous les devots en Angleterre regardent cet Ouvrage comme le dernier effort d'une imagination libertine, qui ne songe, qu'a fonder I'irreHgion sur la ruine de toutes les Sectes Chretiennes. De la maniere dont la masse generale des hommes, qui ont une Religion, est faite, il faut de necessite qu'elle en forme ce jugement. The first sentence of the passage shows that such adverse criticism had reached the Continent, and was common enough for a favorable interpretation to be greeted with surprise.

The critic of the Tale described by van Effen here is not far removed from Dennis, whose harsh remarks may well have been common. Jonathan Swift , [59] Teerink In Letter 23, Orrery discusses the Tale, and defends Swift against his critics: It has been one of the misfortunes attending Christianity, that many of her sons, from a mistaken fiHal piety, have indulged themselves in too re- strained, and too melancholy a way of thinking. Can we wonder then, if a book composed with all the force of wit and humour in derision of sacerdotal tyranny, in ridicule of grave hypocrisy, and in contempt of flegmatic stiffness, should be so wilfully misconstrued by some persons, and ignorantly mistaken by others, as a sarcasm and reflexion upon the whole Christian Church?

He continues with an interesting observation on the rehgious allegory of the Tale: In the style of truth, therefore, I must still look upon The Tale of a Tub, as no intended insult against Christianity, but as a satyr against the wild errors of the church of Rome, the slow and incompleat reformation of the Lu- therans, and the absurd, and affected zeal of the presbyterians.

The effect, of course, is to exonerate Swift from any charge of attacking the An- glican faith itself. Finally, Orrery turns to the attacks made on Swift, and discusses the authorship question. However wide therefore the difference of Peter and Jack might have been in fashioning their coats, the two brothers most sincerely agreed in their hatred of an adversary so powerful as this anonymous author.

They spared no unmannerly reflexions upon his character. They had recourse to every kind of abuse that could reach liim. And sometimes, it was the work of Swift and his companions: Orrery seems to interpret the Key as an indirect attack on Swift, in [60] denying his authorship of the Tale.

Perhaps Orrery's critical perspec- tive is at a disadvantage in this question, however, since it would have been disadvantageous for Jonathan Swift to acknowledge the work. If he had admitted authorship publicly, we can only assume there would have been more attacks like Demiis's. With the achievement of critical perspective, then, responses to the Tale approached rather closely to modern evaluations of the work.

In the eighteenth century criticism proceeded from outright attack to imitation to objective study, and interestingly, one of Orrery's re- marks is still a subject of controversy — the authorship question. It is important to note that much of the early criticism was favorable, whether directly, as in van Effen's preface, or indirectly, in the nu- merous imitations and parodies which, for all their direct attack, ap- proved of the Tale's method. Thus the contemporary success of the Tale can be gauged by the large number of writers who found in it a starting point for their own work.

The complexities of the Tale have produced numerous critical discussions of the work during the past twenty years.

Starkman, in Swift's Satire on Learning in A Tale of a Tub Princeton, asserts the unity of satiric attack on corruptions of the new learning; and Phillip Harth's Swift and Anglican Rationalism Chicago, discusses the particular objects of the Tale's satire on rehgion.

A Tale of a Tub, ed. Nichol Smith, 2nd ed. All references to the Tale and to these replies are to page numbers of this text. For rephes not printed by Guthkelch and Nichol Smith short titles and dates are presented in my text along with numerical reference to A Bibliography of the Writings of Jonathan Swift, 2nd ed. Scou- tcn Philadelphia, Richard Foster Jones in Ancients and Moderns: Louis, discusses this controversy in detail; Mir- iam K.

Starkman applies Jones's findings to the Tale in her furst chapter. Quoted from Poems on Affairs of State, 11, ed. New Haven, , Numerous parallels to Swift's attacks on rehgious abuse are dis- cussed by C. Phillip Harth discusses the numerous seventeenth-century attacks on Catholics and atheists as well in Swft and Anglican Rationalism. The Remarks were reprinted in King's Works, 3 vols. London, , i, , Subsequent quotations are from this text.

Hooker Baltimore, , n, The edition quoted from is the sixth, So many editions in two years in- dicates great popularity. Swift wrote to Pope on January 10, 1, "I cannot forbear instancing a Trea- tise called a Dedication upon Dedications, which many would have to be mine, although it be as empty, dry, and servile a composition, as I remember at any time to have read. Harold Wilhams, 11 Oxford, , The reply is dated 9. The work consists of a Preface, written by the Reverend Mr.

Benjamin Kennicott, three sections of "sentiments" short moral sayings drawn from the novels , one from each of the novels, and two letters addressed to critics of the recently published Sir Charles Grandison.

It is an interesting letter, and deserves to be more readily accessible. Kennicott, Exeter-College, Oxford, it reads as follows: Sir, No more Trouble will I give you about Mr. Must not quit the Pen! Thank you, dear Sir, for your Cyder. I hope to be able on opening the second Bottle, to give you a good Account of it.

But, if it be a cooling Liquor, you ought to keep it, for the Use of your Neighbours in both In- terests — Ought you not? Yet, as we are likely to catch your Flame, at 50 miles Distance, what you have sent, cannot but be welcome; provided you send no more; since that would be to Lessen the Quantity, where it will be most wanted. It is a dry Performance — Dull Mo- rality, and Sentences, some pertinent, some impertinent, divested of Story, and Amusement; I cannot expect much from it, tho' enlivend by your kind and friendly Preface.

When Parhamentary Bustles are over; of which your County Election will be, I suppose, the most vehement, and all things go on in the usual Course, then, perhaps, may I steal out this threefold Col- lection. I have not yet seen the Pamphlet you mention. With me, therefore, that Loyal Body has wanted no Defence.

Donnellan joins with me in returning Thanks for your kind Wishes to us both. We neither of us boast: May it never enter Yours! My humblest Duty, and best Wishes for a speedy and complete Recovery, attend his Lordship: And my most respectful Compliments, Miss Conybeare.

It is likely that anyone looking through Richardson's Collection to- day would agree in the diagnosis of "a dry Performance — Dull Mo- rality, and Sentences. His moral view, too, is decidedly heavy and takes itself very seriously.

The interesting thing about the Collection is not affected by the infelicitous style, though. Richardson made the selection of the sentiments himself, collecting, arranging, sometimes rewriting them, and it is for this [64] reason, not because one expects "Amusement," that it is worth ex- amining.

He considered it a digest of the morahty contained in the three novels— the Instruction without the Dehght, to use the Renais- sance formula. From it we can see what he meant to inculcate as moral behavior in the novels, as well as get an idea of his theories of social and religious duty.

The negative tone of Richardson's comment on the Collection need not be taken too seriously. Sale says that "In a letter to Keimicott, Richardson spoke disparagingly of the work, but more with the view of prompting Kennicott to praise it, I suspect, than with any real con- viction.

Barbauld, he had higher hopes for the Collection than his be- litding of it to Keimicott would suggest. Richardson, she says, always valued himself upon the morality of his pieces, much more than upon his invention, and had partly persuaded himself, and partly been flattered by others, into the idea, that he was the great reformer of the age he certainly did seem to expect, that this Httle volume would be used by his admirers as a kind of manual of morahty.

He had written a preface to it which stressed its moral effectiveness, saying that it would "animate man to act up to his genuine greatness. William Merritt Sale, Jr. For a full discussion of the Collection, see my impublished dissertation Univer- sity of Pemisylvania, Printer and Novelist Chapel Hill, , pp.

Patty is Richardson's daughter Martha, who became Mrs. She acted as Richardson's amanuensis when his nervous disorders were upon him. She remained unmarried and was introduced to Richardson by Mrs. Delany, becoming a favorite correspondent. The Tories tried to keep Whig supporters from the poUing places in the Oxfordshire election, but Exeter College was heavily Whig, and voters used the College gates to get to the booths. The Tory Vice-chancellor of the University insulted the College, whereupon "Scholars hke Kennicott stepped into the fray and scourged the Head of the University with Scriptural allusions.

King and his friends plunged into personalities, glanced at Kennicott's humble birth and the love affairs of the Exeter Fellows. The London press took up the cry, and the httle world of wits and politicians made the most of an opportunity not hkely to recur. Mallet, A History of the University of Oxford [London], m, Mallet says that the election "provoked one of those epidemics of pamphlets in which the eighteenth cen- tury rejoiced" p. King and the Tory authorities conferred degrees on supporters and castigated the Whig faction.

The Correspondence of Samuel Richardson, i, cxxxiv-cxxxv. The Lear of Edwin Forrest was the dominant one seen in America during the middle two quarters of the nineteenth cen- tury. America's first great tragedian opened as Lear during his pre- mier season in New York on December 27, And because of Forrest's virtual monopoly of the role, Tate's alteration was played in America long after it had been abandoned elsewhere, for Forrest apparently never played any other version.

Despite the fact that Macready first played his "pure" Lear in America on September 27, — with a Shakespearean text, not Tate, and restoring the Fool — no major American actor followed Macready's example until Octo- ber , when Edwin Booth played a Shakespearean version in Chicago.

Booth, who still made many cuts and transpositions, did not play this "pure" Lear in New York until November 16, — three years after Forrest's death — when it was no great success.

Although prepared for Forrest by someone else probably a stage manager , the copy includes some of Forrest's own annotations and shows evidence of use in the theatre over an extended period of time.

I suggest that Forrest used it for his personal rehearsal book from until about i, when he published his own acting edition. Of greatest value are the rehearsal books used by Forrest and his stage manager to work up their production with resident theatrical com- panies all over America.

In this category are the promptbook of unrecorded , Forrest's signed copy of his own i edition Shat- tuck Lear 68 , J. Wright's copies of the Cumberland and the i editions Shattuck 47 and 69 , and possibly George Becks' copy of the i edition Shattuck This second category includes books from theatres in Boston Shat- tuck 20 and 26 and New York Shattuck 44, 45 and Although these theatre promptbooks are of little textual authority — they are usually hastily made and inaccurate in detail — they do provide evi- dence for productions before when no Forrest promptbooks of the first type survive.

The third category is that of souvenir or record copies made for a fan, a minor actor, or sometimes for the star him- self. Shattuck 68 and 71 may belong here instead of in the first cate- gory, and included also are William Winter's copy Shattuck 70 and the copy made by James Taylor apparently for the Edwin Forrest [68] Lodge in New York Shattuck For Forrest's Lear, at least, these souvenir books are of little value, no matter how complete or beau- tifully made, because we have earlier, original promptbooks used in the theatre, harder to decipher but better evidence.

In all these promptbooks there is one important copy missing: Although there is no sure evidence, the consensus of theatre promptbooks in the second cate- gory — some of which may date from before — is that Forrest's production always included Shakespeare's tragic ending, except per- haps at the very beginning of his career.

A review of the available editions oiKing Lear will make this point more clear. Inchbald New York and London, after ca. Although Kem- ble restored some lines of Shakespeare's text, Kemble's Lear is essen- tially that of Tate and was the usual version seen in America in the early years of the century. We know that Forrest owned a number of Kemble's London editions, some interleaved and with prompt mark- ings, but if he also owned and used a copy of Kemble's Lear, that copy has not survived.

For a British production of April 24, , Edmund Kean and his stage manager Robert Elhston restored a few more lines of Shakespeare's text, changes reflected in Elliston's London acting edition that same year.

And on February 10, , still using what was essentially the Tate- Kemble version for the first four acts, they restored Shakespeare's [69] final act with its tragic ending. This final change is found only in the editions published for Cumberland's British Theatre London, vari- ously after , which apparently were not reprinted at the same time in America, Odell speculates in vain whether Kean brought this new version to America in We know only that Forrest played Richmond to Kean's Richard III in Albany the previous year and that Forrest felt himself generally following the tradition of the older actor after the latter's return to England.

With the ephemeral Cumberland edition printed only in England, theatre managers were forced to work up a promptbook as best they could from the available Kemble acting texts. Generally using the Oxberry edition, they laboriously copied out the whole new fmal act along with other changes and additions Forrest made see Shattuck 20, 26, 44 and The very fact that the American acting edition of reprinted the Kean text and not one based on a "pure" text is evidence, I think, that Forrest was already strongly committed to this version.

The "Editorial Intro- duction" by John W. Flows who otherwise does not edit the text and reprints Cumberland verbatim somewhat reluctantly justifies the new edition: Although it may be proper to state that the good taste of several leading representatives of the character of Lear, have deviated from his generally adopted version, and have restored, in modified forms, the original text of Shakespeare.

The elder Kean when he revived Lear, immediately after the [70] death of George III, during the latter part of whose reign this play was suppressed by authority, restored the original catastrophe of the tragedy, and the play closed with the death of Lear and Cordelia.

Forrest has judiciously followed the example of his predecessor, and Mr. Macready, with that scholastic taste which so eminently distinguishes him, has gone further than either of his cotemporaries, for he has restored the entire original, excepting some necessary curtailments, rendered indispensable to meet the taste of modern audiences.

The cast lists in this edition also put Forrest in the Kean tradition, list- ing a cast for Kean at "Drury Lane, ," for Forrest at the "Broad- way, ," and for Booth at "Arch-St. It is a clear case of theatri- cal practice overriding the editorial policy. There is no such apologetic tone, of course, in Forrest's own authorized acting edition a dozen years later New York, i , which reprinted with a few changes and amiotations this edition.

Forrest's own edition, incidentally, is probably the last published acting edition of King Lear with a text based on Tate, although Tate's arrangement of scenes and his cuts were still to influence subsequent pure-text versions like the prompt- book edition of Edwin Booth. But if the text of Forrest's promptbook is not pure Shake- speare, comparison with Tate's alteration shows that Forrest's Lear is also far from being pure Tate.

The record of these cuts in the first four acts is instructive. Kemble cuts lines of Tate's text, including the corrupt version of Lear's speech "Hear, Nature, hear" and the incongruous scene where Ed- mimd and Regan make love in a grotto. Of these lines cut, 41 have an original basis in Shakespeare principally the end of the scene with Gloucester on the cliff. Elliston further cuts 18 lines, including two of Shakespeare.

Forrest cuts an additional lines, a third again as many, including 65 of Shakespeare the blinding of Gloucester. For- [71 ] rest's most important cuts are Tate's scene with the ruffians and the recognition scene between Cordeha and Edgar. His other cuts mini- mize the love interest further and reduce the melodramatic quality of Edmund as a villain. These cuts in the first four acts, then, rigorously prune the play of Tate's dead wood, leaving mostly scenes and speeches for which there is some basis in Shakespeare's text.

At the same time that he cuts, Kemble restores some 67 full lines from Shakespeare in addition to single word corrections, and Elliston adds 18 more.

Forrest's additions are more integral, including Edgar's speech "When we our betters" 3. And the biggest res- toration comes in Act v, which starts with Tate's mostly Shakespear- ean scene 4. Then the copy text becomes Shakespeare's last act, selectively cut by about a third but otherwise unaltered. Forrest cuts some 70 lines in 5.

Forrest's ending is slower and more re- strained than Elliston's and is incidentally closer to Shakespeare. The most useful way, though, to see the relative purity of Forrest's version is to analyze more closely what he retains from Tate. There are three layers of text in Forrest's script: The conclusion is clear: To be sure, a modem readers' edition of Kitig Lear like the New Arden runs to lines, so that Forrest's whole script is only a little more than half as long.

The lines which paraphrase and condense Shakespeare are frequently flat in comparison with the received text, and there is occasional bowdlerization. The play is still encumbered with bombast and melodramatic machinery Lear's curse at the act break, Cordelia's faint ; it still lacks the Fool and a fully developed [72] Gloucester; and we would expect more subtle cutting in a modem production.

Yet on the whole, I suspect that Forrest has been casti- gated unfairly. Thus Forrest is not in- hibited by a scholarly concern for a pure text: His general tendency is towards a pure text, but his practice is indiscriminate, dictated by the practical needs of his theatre.

Following Hazekon Spencer's often repeated statement that "Tate's version held the stage for a century and a half," i. Campbell and Edward Quinn New York, , s. Richard Moody, Forrest's most recent biographer, says that Lear was an- nounced for Forrest's benefit at New Orleans in May but that another play was substituted Edwin Forrest: The repeated references in Odell for the New York stage alone are too numer- ous to document; see his index.

Forrest played the role during his last stage appearance — except briefly for readings — on March 26, , in Boston Moo- dy, p. Surviving playbills of Forrest's Lear from provincial cities and chppings in other scrapbooks testify to the popularity of his portrayal. Forrest's promptbook discussed below and his marked copy of his own 1 acting edition differ only in detail. These two documents are the strongest kind of evidence for his acting text. The one Forrest-associated promptbook based on a full text is the one listed as Lear 46 in Professor Shattuck's catalogue see below which superimposes Forrest's usual cuts and transpositions on a pure text.

The fit is somewhat uneasy, and it is clear that Forrest's amalgam [73 ] based on Tate is better suited to his notion of the play. Forrest apparently never used this pure-text version which dates from ca. Shattuck, The Shakespeare Promptbooks: A Descriptive Catalogue Urbana and London, , pp. The following bibliographic description of the promptbook follows the for- mat in Professor Shattuck's introduction pp.

Edwin Forrest, America, Much used promptbook signed "Edwin Forrest " on inside cover, fully developed in ink by an unknown hand. Text, corrections, and business added in Forrest's hand, and others.

Cuts and restorations, grooves, calls, considerable stage business, maps, cues for effects. Textual basis for [Shat- tuck Lear] 68 and probably Wright "travelled with Edwin Forrest for a time," apparently as his stage manager, and Becks was a comic actor who played Oswald in Forrest's Lear, and other roles.

Professor Shattuck comments privately that Becks collected thousands of promptbooks and that Taylor see below seems often to have transcribed from Becks' copies. Only two Lear promptbooks associated with Forrest survive in the Cumber- land edition: Shattuck 47, however, strikingly resembles in almost every detail Forrest's promptbook and is most certainly contemporary with it, or earher. Wright later used a copy of the Forrest edition of i Shattuck 69 which shows a good deal more wear than Forrest's own copy Shattuck Forrest's promptbook of the Cimiber- land Hamlet still survives Shattuck Hamlet Seejaggard's Shakespeare Bibliography, and the basic discussion of acting texts in Odell, Shakespeare from Betterton to Irving, ii, 53, , , The problem is difficult.

Although the old Garrick version which restores a good deal more Shakespeare than Kemble's was apparently the earliest version used in America see Shattuck 9, for instance , it is more likely that Forrest followed the lead of George Frederick Cooke in using the Kemble version see Shattuck 10, which I have not examined.

Surely Winter's comment that For- rest opened in Garrick's version op. The only other evidence I have seen, other than that discussed below, is a Forrest playbill at Harvard from the Bowery Theatre, New York, for Thurs- day, September 27 [probably ], which includes "Aranthc" and "Ruffians" [74] — inconclusive evidence since these roles are in both the Garrick and the Kem- ble versions and also in Kean's.

Later, Forrest retained Aranthe but dropped the Ruffians. See Odell, Annals, iii, i8i: It is possible that Forrest changed from the Kemble to the Kean version in re- sponse to Macready's "pure" Lear that is, after , but Odell's Annah have no record of Forrest's advertising a new production. Moreover, if Professor Shattuck is right that a copy of Macready's restoration did once belong to For- rest see Shattuck 28 , there is no indication that Forrest is indebted to Ma- cready's version for his last-act restorations.

The copy text in Forrest's promptbook rarely corresponds to Macready's cuts. That Macready disap- proved of Forrest's version is clear from their later disputes, but as early as , Macready writes of a Philadelphia audience applauding "all the disgusting trash of Tate" in Forrest's performance of October 21 see The Diaries of Wil- liam Charles Macready, ed.

William Toynbee [London, ], 11, The cast hsted for Forrest somewhat puz- zlingly includes "Ruffians," parts he deleted in the andsubsequent prompt- books. Ayers, "Shakespeare in the Restoration," unpbl.

Contrast these enthusiasts with Winter, who speaks of "Tate's contemptible hash of the original play" p. Principally by Winter pp. A somewhat testy purist who edited Edwin Booth's promptbooks. Winter indulges in heavy irony over Forrest's "professional acumen and Shakespearean scholarship. De Gennaro has been with the Harvard University Library in various capacities since He has been Senior Associate University Librar- ian since Medici-Gondi II consists of drafts, originals and copies of letters; legal documents, trials, contracts, in- cluding wills; business correspondence and ledgers, as well as accounts, records of loans, gifts and bequests, petitions, real estate deals, inventories, travel expenses, etc.

Besides the obvious value of the collection for the his- tory of Medici and Gondi, its subject interest is considerable, relating to church affairs, diplomacy, the mint in Florence, textile trade, commercial relations with various parts of Europe, and to many other topics, as the user of the catalogue will discover. Many important and some lesser known Italian families appear in these documents. Archive II was presumably kept together with Archive I from the eighteenth century when it was organ- ized in some fashion until it was sold in more recent times.

The contents of the collection have been described basically in the ar- rangement in which they came to the University of Pennsylvania, though some sections were rearranged within unbound bundles. No effort could be made, or was made, to rearrange the collection in toto, and for this reason it lacks to some extent consistency and logic. An index to be pub- lished at the end of this Supplement to the Catalogue of Manuscripts in the Libraries of the University of Pennsylvania to will, we trust, facilitate and increase the use of the collection.

The method of description follows the system adopted for Medici-Gon- di Archive I, though the descriptions are more extensive, due to the nature of Archive II which contains comparatively few ledgers, and by contrast a very large number of documents and correspondence. Since most docu- ments are written on paper, the material used is mentioned only when it is vellum. A majority of the papers are in Italian, quite a few are in Latin, some are in French and Spanish. The period covered ranges from to ; the collection is strongest for the sixteenth and seventeenth cen- turies.

The total number of folios is in excess of 20, Business papers and correspondence, as follows: Sopra la piena di S. Various places, s a few dated , or i6th-i7th-cent. Folios of the remainder of the volume are consecutively numbered, but frequently misassembled.

Subjects of yl recur, especially arte della lana fF. Documents at one time forming part of Filza XIV [cf. Ricordo di beni alienati et aquistati. Ricordo di beni [real estate incl. No- tula distinta cavata dal cartone delle decime delli effetti; Beni aquistati da Bernardo d'Alamanno di Silvestro, ; Beni aquistati da Bernardo d' Alamanno, ; Beni aquistati dal Carlo di Bernardo, ; Beni aquistati dal Sen.

Andrea, fratelh, 1 ca. Copia pro testatu, [83 ] relevant to the Arrigucci Daniele, Francesco, etc. Arme de Medici; Cambo di. Beni a Monte Giovi ; fF. Document concerning cessation oF property, F. Various places, I4th-i7th cent. In 17 separate vols. The Following eleven manuscripts Lea are Fmancial documents, many oF these single sheets, originally placed in several difFerent bundles together with letters, petitions and other not clearly related items.

These [84] financial papers — now arranged, in chronological order — consist of conti, pagamenti, partite, riccvutc, spese, ordini, ricordi, cambi di fiere, note di debitori e creditori and imposte. Similar material is also found in several other volumes or boxes , e.

A few documents relate to the Spedale of S. Maria , to Pisa , , S. Verdiana and Trespiano Italy, ff. Conto dello stratto di Pisa ca. Capponi ; the Buonaccorsi , and Giraldi , etc.

Ca- milla ; ff. Antonio Milizia ; ff. Giraldi ; L. Salviati ; Montecatini , , etc. Informazione sopra le vendite del podere de Nasi ca. Bilancio del libro rosso segnato B di Vincenzo M. Trespiano ; ff ; Conto di spese fatte in liberare la nave Prospera, etc. Cosimo Baroncelli in Parigi ; fi48 ; Conto del Sig. Andrea and Fabrizio; members of other important Florentine families, etc.

Bilancio del libro giallo C-[D] di Piermaria Salvini , ; ff. Amadori ; Guadagni ; Ricciardi ; Altoviti ; Caftarelli ; and most fre- quently Capponi; among topics are zecca; drapperia , etc. Partite di Jacopo e Lucrezia Guadagni ; fF. Francesco ; Vincenzo ; Francesca; Lucrezia, etc. Letters and documents by, to, and about Carlo, , incl. Two supplicc to the Grand Duke ca. On a variety of topics, incl. Instrumcntum do- nationis Lat.

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